Ajith Parakum
A country embroiled in conflict among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches inevitably descends into complete anarchy. To prevent such a scenario, these three branches must act with mutual understanding. This understanding should aim to maintain the current social system while implementing necessary transformations. A revolutionary coup is a different matter; it involves the executive overpowering the other branches, leading to an autocratic regime.
Lack of Mutual Understanding in Sri Lanka
In Sri Lanka, the legislative, executive, and judiciary do not exhibit this mutual understanding. Each branch operates without the respect and cooperation needed for harmonious governance. The recent appointment of Deshabandu Tennakoon as Inspector General of Police has highlighted these issues.
The Appointment Crisis
Two civil society members of the Constitutional Council abstained from voting, creating a crisis. Tennakoon’s appointment, his subsequent conviction for human rights violations, the fundamental rights cases filed by figures like the Cardinal, and the court’s suspension of Tennakoon’s duties are all interconnected events illustrating this discord.
Role of Civil Society Representatives
Appointing civil society representatives to the Constitutional Council aimed to strengthen democracy by ensuring transparency in decision-making. However, these representatives should either support or oppose the nominations clearly. Their failure to vote was pivotal in the crisis over the Inspector General’s appointment.
Elitism in Civil Society
There is a growing elitism within civil society regarding appointments to independent commissions. Some members of these commissions have little to no work, indulging in perks and luxuries while posing as independent overseers. Their main goal often becomes securing reappointments or appointments to other commissions, aligning themselves with political currents to achieve this.
Political Ambitions and Discord
The opposition leader, who feared assuming power in 2022, is not free from promoting discord. Driven by a strong personal ambition to become president, he lacks the patience to wait even for the next election.
Subtle Strategies of Influence
The ‘anti-Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama male state dominance in politics,’ which faced defeat after the 2022 struggle, although they were successful to oust a President elected by Sinhala-Buddhists, is not ready to retreat. Instead of overt violence like in mid-2022, they are now employing more subtle strategies to extend their influence.
The Dominance of Mahinda Rajapaksa
Mahinda Rajapaksa symbolizes the Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama male state dominance in Sri Lanka. There is no clear alternative to him yet. The aim of the forces opposing this dominance is to defeat the Rajapaksa-led political faction and its current leadership.
Historical Context
Historically, Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama male state dominance has operated in a manner that other community leaders’ resentment and hostility are not surprising. Post-independence Sri Lanka was constructed by this dominant force, subjugating ethnic, caste, and gender minorities. However, there was no total exclusion; minorities also had opportunities under the dominion power.
Comparative Analysis
This scenario is not unique to Sri Lanka. Even in countries like the United States, which present themselves as champions of democracy, this ‘sons of the land’ notion prevails. A probable contest between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris may highlight the power dynamics among different communities. Similarly, in many other countries created by immigrants, early settlers often become dominant, treating subsequent arrivals as inferior. Sri Lankan expatriates are well aware of such dynamics.
The 2022 Struggle and its Leaders
Sri Lanka’s near-collapse under the Rajapaksa administration presented a golden opportunity for the insurgent minority forces during the 2022 struggle. Examining the leadership of this struggle reveals it was predominantly led by non-Sinhala, non-Buddhist, non-Govigama forces. Although minority sexual communities participated, the struggle remained male-dominated, with women leaders sidelined.
The Current Political Landscape
The current beneficiary of political power struggles is Sajith Premadasa. The so-called intellectuals of the opposing forces hesitate to openly support him, though he is their de facto leader. This ambivalence is their core dilemma.
The Numerical Dominance of the Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama Community
The Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama community remains numerically dominant, more so than all other communities combined, which remain divided with diverse goals. Despite Sajith being their leader, they are reluctant to publicly acknowledge this, leading to a lack of stable leadership and eventual loss of public support.
Stabilization Efforts
The 2022 near-collapse of Sri Lanka was averted by the intervention of the Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama political force. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s leadership and support from the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna helped stabilize the situation. Under Wickremesinghe’s leadership, Tiran Alles’ police decisively suppressed the insurrection, contributing to the current stability. However, this suppression has intensified resentment among the non-Sinhala, non-Buddhist, non-Govigama forces.
Unresolved Issues
Still, there is no significant punishment for the Easter Sunday terrorist bombers. Terrorist suspects like Ibrahim, previously on the JVP’s national list, have been granted bail. Meanwhile, Sinhala Buddhist elites are being held accountable for failing to prevent the attacks. This situation raises questions about the true masterminds behind these events.
The Crisis in Police Leadership
The current crisis in police leadership begs the question of who benefits from it. Minister Tiran Alles, who has bravely acted against insurgents and organized crime, faces significant pressure. Policemen working under challenging conditions, dealing with issues related to professional development, infrastructure, salaries, personal safety, and social acceptance, find their morale undermined.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the ongoing crisis benefits insurgents, organized criminals, and power-hungry opportunists lacking a coherent plan for governance. The mistakes of Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama male dominance in the post-independence era must be corrected, and there is readiness within that community for change. This readiness should be encouraged. The widespread and profound insurgency against Sinhala, Buddhist, Govigama male dominance must be defeated. However, it is not easy to avoid being victimized.
